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How Cambodian Politicians Explore Web 2.0 to Connect with Citizens and Build Forms of Participatory Democracy

Sam Ath Kim
Fonte: Universidade do Porto Publicador: Universidade do Porto
Tipo: Dissertação
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.31%
This research study, mainly revealing that Web 2.0 has a contribution to the political connection between politicians and citizens, and participatory democracy building in Cambodia, examine the uses of Facebook by Cambodian politicians. We employed qualitative method by using online survey with 22 Cambodian politicians from ruling and opposition party and by doing content analysis on their Facebook account as well as getting the conclusive recommendation from four media/ political experts in Cambodia. This study tries to perform a deep study about participatory democracy on social media. Regarding this, the study (1) explores how Cambodian politicians use Web 2.0 for political connection and engagement; (2) identifies motivations and reasons behind online usage; (3) examines their attitude of politicians towards social media, and (4) analyse impacts of their online usage to participatory democracy building. The ultimate conclusion of this study reveals the possible effects of their online activities in the process of political connection and participatory democracy building. Based on this study, the role of social media bridged the communication gap between politicians and citizens by providing political opportunities for direct engagement between politicians and grass roots...

How Irish politicians construct transnational EU migrants

Haynes, Amanda; Power, Martin J.; Devereux, Eoin
Fonte: Doras Luimní Publicador: Doras Luimní
Tipo: info:eu-repo/semantics/report; all_ul_research
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
36.78%
non-peer-reviewed; This research study examines the manner in which politicians construct non-Irish EU immigrants to Ireland by analysing the content of statements attributed to this group in the print media. The decision to examine politicians’ statements made through the print media, rather than through government or party press releases was informed by a desire to analyse those statements which are most accessible to the public and therefore most likely to influence public opinion.

The Politics of Power : The Political Economy of Rent-Seeking in Electric Utilities in the Philippines

Hasnain, Zahid; Matsuda, Yasuhiko
Fonte: Banco Mundial Publicador: Banco Mundial
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.13%
This paper takes advantage of unique intra-country variation in the Philippines power sector to examine under what conditions politicians have an incentive to "capture" an electric utility and use it for the purposes of rent-seeking. The authors hypothesize that the level of capture is determined by the incentives of, and the interactions between, local and national politicians, where the concepts of "local" and "national" are context specific. A local politician is defined as one whose electoral jurisdiction lies within the utility s catchment area; by contrast, a national politician is defined as one whose electoral jurisdiction includes two or more utility catchment areas. These jurisdictional differences imply different motivations for local and national politicians: because of "spillover" effects, local politicians have a greater incentive to use the utility for rent-seeking than a national politician as they capture only a portion of the political gains from utility performance improvements as some of the benefits of improved service will go to other electoral jurisdictions within the utility s catchment area. The authors posit that three variables impact the magnitude of these incentives of local and national politicians: (i) the local economic context...

Decentralization and Service Delivery

Ahmad, Junaid; Devarajan, Shantayanan; Khemani, Stuti; Shah, Shekhar
Fonte: World Bank, Washington, DC Publicador: World Bank, Washington, DC
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
26.92%
Dissatisfied with centralized approaches to delivering local public services, a large number of countries are decentralizing responsibility for these services to lower-level, locally elected governments. The results have been mixed. The paper provides a framework for evaluating the benefits and costs, in terms of service delivery, of different approaches to decentralization, based on relationships of accountability between different actors in the delivery chain. Moving from a model of central provision to that of decentralization to local governments introduces a new relationship of accountability-between national and local policymakers-while altering existing relationships, such as that between citizens and elected politicians. Only by examining how these relationships change can we understand why decentralization can, and sometimes cannot, lead to better service delivery. In particular, the various instruments of decentralization-fiscal, administrative, regulatory, market, and financial-can affect the incentives facing service providers, even though they relate only to local policymakers. Likewise, and perhaps more significantly, the incentives facing local and national politicians can have a profound effect on the provision of local services. Finally...

Elections, Special Interests, and the Fiscal Costs of Financial Crisis

Keefer, Philip
Fonte: World Bank, Washington, D.C. Publicador: World Bank, Washington, D.C.
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
26.92%
The author proposes a new approach to explain why the costs of crisis are greater in some countries than in others. He begins with the premise that many crises result from the willingness of politicians to cater to special interests, at the expense of broad social interests. A parsimonious model predicts that the less costly it is for average citizens to expel politicians, the more veto players there are; the less important are exogenous shocks, and the more difficult it is for politicians and special interests to forge credible agreements, the lower the costs of crisis are. Though these predictions differ from those in the literature, empirical evidence presented shows that they explain the fiscal costs of financial crisis, even after controlling for the financial sector policies believed to contribute most to the efficient prevention, and resolution of financial crisis.

The Organization of Political Parties and the Politics of Bureaucratic Reform

Cruz, Cesi; Keefer, Philip
Fonte: World Bank, Washington, DC Publicador: World Bank, Washington, DC
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
26.92%
Bureaucratic reform is a priority of donor organizations, including the World Bank, but is notoriously difficult to implement. In many countries, politicians have little interest in the basic financial and personnel management systems that are essential to political oversight of bureaucratic performance. To explain this, this paper presents a new perspective on the political economy of bureaucracy. Politicians in some countries belong to parties that are organized to allow party members to act collectively to limit leader shirking. This is particularly the case with programmatic parties. Such politicians have stronger incentives to pursue public policies that require a well-functioning public administration. Novel evidence offers robust support for this argument. From a sample of 439 World Bank public sector reform loans in 109 countries, the paper finds that public sector reforms are more likely to succeed in countries with programmatic political parties.

The use of Weibo to connect Chinese communities in Australia by Australian politicians

Jiang, Y.
Fonte: Deakin University Publicador: Deakin University
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
Publicado em //2013 Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.13%
Weibo is a Chinese microblogging website; it is one of the most popular sites in China. According to Oz Entertainment, Sina Weibo’s Australian business cooperator, there are around 500,000 Weibo users in Australia. What’s more interesting is that politicians across the three levels of government in Australia have also started joining Weibo. Scholars began debating the practical importance of using social media for politics years ago; some of them believe the uniqueness of social media will certainly bring about success for politicians. Others believe that social media hasn’t brought significant changes and, additionally, has caused danger to some extent. Grant’s research on Australian politicians’ use of Twitter has found that those who tweet to converse appear to gain more political benefit from the platform than others. However, no current research examines the usefulness of Weibo by Australian politicians. Therefore, for those Australian politicians who have decided to embark on a Chinese social media platform, are they conversing or simply broadcasting themselves? Is the existence of Australian politicians’ Weibo accounts providing a more effective political discussion platform, and encouraging more active political engagement of Chinese communities? What benefits has Weibo brought to politicians in Australia? With these questions in mind...

Kommunale Mandatsträger und Wahlbeamte im Spannungsfeld zwischen Kooperation und Korruption - Eine Untersuchung der Reichweite von §§ 331 ff. StGB -; Members of town and county councils as well as mayors and district administrators in the conflict between cooperation and corruption- An inquriy on the range of §§ 331 et sqq. StGB -

Kalbfell, Carl-Gustav
Fonte: Universidade de Tubinga Publicador: Universidade de Tubinga
Tipo: Dissertação
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.08%
Kommunale Mandatsträger und Wahlbeamte im Spannungsfeld zwischen Kooperation und Korruption - Eine Untersuchung der Reichweite von §§ 331 ff. StGB - Durch das „Gesetz zur Bekämpfung der Korruption“ vom 13. August 1997 wurden die Korruptionsdelikte durch die Einbeziehung von sog. Drittvorteilen in den Tatbestand der §§ 331 ff. StGB erheblich ausgedehnt. Seitdem sind Literatur und Rechtsprechung darum bemüht für viele Fallgestaltungen Kriterien zu entwickeln, um eine uferlose Ausdehnung der Korruptionsstrafbarkeit zu verhindern. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht unter welchen Voraussetzungen für Kommunalpolitiker wie Gemeinde- und Kreisräte (kommunale Mandatsträger) und (Ober-) Bürgermeister, Beigeordnete sowie Landräte (kommunale Wahlbeamte) eine Korruptionsstrafbarkeit im Raum steht, wenn sie mit finanziellen (Dritt-) Zuwendungen in Kontakt kommen. Solche (Dritt-)Zuwendungen sind insbesondere Gelder die Kommunalpolitiker für kommunale Aufgaben und Projekte einwerben, vermitteln oder annehmen. Unter dem Aspekt einer strafrechtlichen (Dritt-) Zuwendung sind ferner auch der Abschluss von Sponsoringvereinbarungen sowie städtebaulicher oder sonstiger öffentlich-rechtlicher Verträge zu prüfen. Des Weiteren wird untersucht...

Outside income and moral hazard : the elusive quest for good politicians

Gagliarducci, Stefano; Nannicini, Tommaso; Naticchioni, Paolo
Fonte: Universidade Carlos III de Madrid Publicador: Universidade Carlos III de Madrid
Tipo: info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper; info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /12/2007 Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
36.92%
In most modern democracies elected officials can work in the private sector while appointed in parliament. We show that when the political and market sectors are not mutually exclusive, a trade-off arises between the quality of elected officials and the effort they exert in political life. If high-ability citizens can keep earning money outside of parliament, they will be more likely to run for election; for the same reason, they will also be more likely to shirk once elected. These predictions are confronted with a unique dataset about members of the Italian Parliament from 1996 to 2006. The empirical evidence shows that bad but dedicated politicians come along with good but not fully committed politicians. There is in fact a non-negligible fraction of citizens with remarkably high pre-election income who are appointed in parliament. These citizens are those who gain relatively more from being elected in terms of outside income. Conversely, they are less committed to the parliamentary activity in many respects, like voting attendance and bills sponsorship.

Pressure Politics: Why Australian Politicians Support or Ignore NGO Policy Campaigns

Murray, Emily
Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Relatório
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
37.37%
Every day in Parliament House and across Australia, politicians hear a wide range of policy proposals from a variety of non-government organisations (NGOs). Yet little research has been performed into why politicians decide to ignore or support NGO policy campaigns. This lack of transparency creates difficulty for NGOs seeking to deliver policy campaigns that earn politicians' support. The opaque policy process is complicated by a historically troubled relationship between Australian politicians and NGO campaigners, which, although often genial on the surface, can in reality lack openness and honesty. Despite the importance of NGOs for a strong democracy, Australian politicians have previously excluded NGOs from the policy process. This exclusion can undermine the public's perception of politicians' accountability, and discourage popular engagement with the policy process. Pressure Politics confronts a need for greater transparency in the Australian political system by clarifying the expectations, limitations and considerations of politicians, political advisers and campaigners when engaging in the policy process. This research could empower all parties to better accommodate each others' needs and concerns, enabling a more constructive relationship. Forty-one structured interviews were conducted with politicians...

On "Good" Politicians and "Bad" Policies : Social Cohesion, Institutions, and Growth

Ritzen, Jo; Easterly, William; Woolcock, Michael
Fonte: World Bank, Washington, DC Publicador: World Bank, Washington, DC
Tipo: Publications & Research :: Policy Research Working Paper; Publications & Research
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
36.92%
Social cohesion - that is, the inclusiveness of a country's communities - is essential for generating the trust needed to implement reforms. Citizens have to trust that the short-term losses that inevitably arise from reform, will be more than offset by long-term gains. However, in countries divided along class and ethnic lines, and with weak institutions, even the boldest, most civic-minded and well-informed politician (or interest group) will face severe constraints in bringing about policy reform. The authors hypothesize that key development outcomes (particularly economic growth) are most likely to be associated with countries that are both socially cohesive and governed by effective public institutions. They test this hypothesis for the sample of countries with available data. The authors develop a conceptual framework based on the idea of social cohesion, then review the evidence on which it is based. While several earlier studies have shown that differences in growth rates among developing countries are a result of weak rule of law...

Optimismo, auto-estima e estratégias de coping: um estudo comparativo entre políticos autarcas e não políticos

Ferreira, Maria da Graça Resende Pinto
Fonte: Repositório Científico Lusófona Publicador: Repositório Científico Lusófona
Tipo: Dissertação de Mestrado
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.23%
O presente trabalho de investigação centrou-se num estudo comparativo entre Políticos Autarcas do Município de Lisboa e população Não Plolítica residente em Lisboa. Teve por objectivos: 1. - Apurar se e de que forma as variáveis Optimismo/Pessimismo e a Auto-Estima estão associadas e modelam as Estratégias de Coping; - Estabelecidas as correlações, 2. verificar se e de que forma a população política autárquica diverge da população não política. A amostra, de conveniência, é constituída por pessoas de ambos os sexos, com idades compreendidas entre os 20 e os 78 anos. É composta por dois grupos: - A) - Políticos Autarcas, com funções nas autarquias da cidade de Lisboa e B) - Não Políticos, pessoas residentes em Lisboa. Foram aplicadas as seguintes medidas: -para avaliar o Optimismo/Pessimismo, a Escala Life Orientation Test – Revised - LOT-R, da autoria de Scheier, Carver & Bridges (1994); -para avaliar a Auto-Estima, a Escala Rosemberg´s Self-Esteem Scale - RSE, de Rosemberg (1989); -e para avaliar as Estratégias de Coping, o Coping Responses Inventory - CRI, de Moos (1992). Os dados recolhidos foram, numa 1ª fase, inseridos na base de dados do EXCEL e posteriormente transferidos, analisados e tratados estatisticamente pelo programa PASW - Predictiv Analytics Software – versão 18.0 para Windows. Os resultados obtidos demonstraram que: a) - consistente com a literatura...

Screening before sanctioning: elections and the republican tradition

Herreros Vázquez, Francisco
Fonte: Conselho Superior de Investigações Científicas Publicador: Conselho Superior de Investigações Científicas
Tipo: Documento de trabajo
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
26.92%
Published in: European Journal of Political Theory 5 (4) (2006), pp. 431-451; In modern political science, repeated elections are considered as the main mechanism of electoral accountability in democracies. More rarely, elections are considered as ways to select “good types” of politicians. In this article it is argued that historical republican authors interpreted elections in this last sense. They view elections as a means to select what they often called the “natural aristocracy”, virtuous political leaders that would pursue the common good. This argument is presented in three steps. First, it is claimed that republican authors did not considered retrospective accountability as one of the goals of electoral processes. Second, I present some evidence concerning the distinction in republican authors between two types of politicians, “good” and “bad”. And, finally, I present some republican arguments about how elections could serve as a device for selecting the “good” politicians.; Peer reviewed

The Transparency of Politics and the Quality of Politicians

Mattozzi, Andrea; Merlo, Antonio
Fonte: Instituto de Tecnologia da Califórnia Publicador: Instituto de Tecnologia da Califórnia
Tipo: Article; PeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /05/2007 Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.13%
Politics has always attracted the attention of the media, citizens organizations, and the general public. Recent years have also witnessed a global process of “spectacularization” of politics, which, among other things, has resulted in a dramatic increase in the amount of information available about many facets of political life. Politicians, for example, are public figures, and much of what they do is now the object of close public scrutiny. Nevertheless, the extent to which various aspects of what goes on within the political sector are observable from the outside, which we refer to as the transparency of politics, still varies a great deal across countries. For example, while in some countries all individual votes in the legislature are part of the public record (e.g., the United States and Sweden), this is not the case in others (e.g., Italy and Spain). Also, while many democracies have adopted disclosure laws that require political parties and politicians to report all the contributions they receive (e.g., Canada and the United Kingdom), such laws are not in place in several other countries (e.g., Austria and Finland). It is therefore interesting to ask whether the transparency of politics may be systematically related to political outcomes...

Professional Ethics for Politicians

Uhr, John
Fonte: Information Age Publishing Inc Publicador: Information Age Publishing Inc
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.01%
Democracies typically impose onerous regulation on the conduct of bureaucratic officials and remarkably light regulation of the conduct of elected officials. The traditional presumption was that politicians should be allowed to self-regulate. In many democratic regimes, politicians have shown themselves unable to carry this burden of public trust. As a result, political ethics is regulated from a perspective of public distrust, associated with fears of political corruption. Despite my personal reservations about professional ethics models (recorded here by reference to recent fictional work of novelist J.M. Coetzee), I revive a trust-based perspective to make a case for a regime of self-regulation for democratic politicians, based on a democratic hope that politicians can be trusted to act as responsible professionals.

But why do we need politicians? A critical review

Corbett, Jack
Fonte: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group Publicador: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
26.92%
In response to growing popular dissatisfaction with politics and politicians there has been a marked increase in academic work about anti-politics and depoliticization with numerous scholars seeking to defend politics by restating why it matters. However, these efforts have largely glossed over the related question of why politicians also matter. To fill this gap I propose a typology that captures how the different intellectual perspectives in this debate see the role of politicians – identifying six in particular: procedural, legitimacy, values, authority, persuasion and dissimulation. In doing so I review each contribution and highlight synergies and disagreements between them that in-turn reveal important insights and new lines of inquiry.

Recent changes in state civil services may cause politicians to favor spending more at the state level and less through local governments

Ujhelyi, Gergely
Fonte: Blog post from London School of Economics & Political Science Publicador: Blog post from London School of Economics & Political Science
Tipo: Website; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 16/07/2014 Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
26.92%
In the modern U.S., most state civil service bureaucracies are organized to be professional and independent of political influence. But have these civil service reforms, such as merit based apolitical recruitment, affected the behavior of elected politicians? In a study of states that have adopted these merit systems throughout the 20th century, Gergely Ujhelyi finds that these changes have led to the decentralization of state government spending towards local governments. He argues that as politicians lost their ability to influence policy implementation, they began to redistribute public funding towards friendly local governments. With the current trend towards a less politically insulated and more flexible civil service, state politicians may now have an incentive to centralize spending at the state level once again.

Expectation management: can politicians win back political trust by limiting what the public expects of them?

Seyd, Ben
Fonte: Democratic Audit UK Publicador: Democratic Audit UK
Tipo: Website; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 20/04/2015 Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.01%
Politicians may be feverishly campaigning for votes, but fewer and fewer citizens say they trust them and the institutions they inhabit. In this post, Ben Seyd considers what politicians can do to strengthen the public’s confidence in their work. He suggests that trust may not be responsive to the expectations that people have of politicians; instead, trust seems more affected by perceptions of how well politicians are seen to perform. Boosting the public’s trust might therefore require improving political performance rather than simply limiting what the public expects of its elected representatives.

Bad apples: political paralysis and the quality of politicians

Leon, Gabriel
Fonte: The London School of Economics and Political Science, Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines Publicador: The London School of Economics and Political Science, Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines
Tipo: Monograph; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /08/2009 Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
27.01%
Why do elected officials often suffer from political paralysis and fail to implement the best policies available? This paper considers a new yet intuitive explanation that focuses on the quality of the politicians competing to replace the incumbent. The key insight is that a ‘good’ incumbent with preferences identical to those of a representative voter will want to keep corrupt politicians out of office; she may do so by distorting her policy choices to signal her type and win re-election. The value of signalling and staying in office increases with the fraction of corrupt types in the population of politicians. Electing good types may therefore not be enough to ensure that the best policies are implemented, especially when corrupt politicians are common. This provides a new explanation for why political failure is particularly severe in corrupt democracies.

Paramilitary power and "parapolitics": subnational patterns of criminalization of politicians and politicization of criminals in Colombia

Escobar, Mariana
Fonte: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis Publicador: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis
Tipo: Thesis; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /11/2013 Português
Relevância na Pesquisa
26.92%
The phenomenon of corruption in the context of civil wars is of increasing interest in scholarly literature. Colombia exhibits a particular case in which right-wing paramilitaries from the United Self-Defence of Colombia, strongly supported in drug tra*cking activities, colluded with local politicians and captured the subnational state in many a region, under a phenomenon known as “parapolitics” or the politics of paramilitaries. Unlike the latest generation of armed conflicts in which warlords have sought to deconstruct the state, Colombian paramilitaries levered their strategic interests within the existing institutional framework, backed by local political elites and authorities, and pivoted on patron-client ties. In the context of these alliances, paramilitaries provided politicians with a violent muscle meant to protect electoral processes and maximize votes. In return, politicians protected paramilitary activities and represented the Self- Defence warlords in Congress in order to feed their political, judicial and economic domains. By elucidating the nature of "parapolitics" and by addressing the question of why (conditions), how (mechanisms) and to what purpose (ultimate goal) did the phenomenon emerge in Colombia, I examine in subnational comparative perspective the cases of Sucre and Norte de Santander departments. By building causal paths in historical perspective I substantiate parapolitics in the selected cases as well as variations in the processes and outcomes thereof. Although the cases do not represent the whole universe of "parapolitics"...