In this paper we analyse the characteristics and evolution of the EU-CEEC trade
in the last decade, giving particular attention to trade relations among the
CEEC. We study the determinants of both total and sectoral trade flows and
investigate the potential bilateral trade among all the countries. The analysis is
based on the gravity model approach using panel data from 1993 to 2001.
The results highlight the sectoral differences in the EU-CEEC trade developments.
Furthermore, it is possible to conclude that there is still scope for growth
on bilateral trade flows between some CEEC and some of the EU countries and
especially among the new EU members.
Este trabalho conjuga o conceito de eu na obra de Freud com o conceito de corporeidade em Merleau-Ponty, possibilitando um percurso teórico em que se pode pensar o corpo na sua perspectiva intersubjetiva. Na corporalidade, a "carne" de cada um, lançada ao mundo, se encontra na "carne" do outro, também lançada, para que re-efetue, na relação, uma troca expressiva inconsciente, a qual, porém, sem a consciência de um corpo subjetivado, perde suas possibilidades enquanto troca e expressão. O recorte, em Freud, se inicia com os conceitos de eu prazer e eu da realidade, percorrendo a questão dos ideais em que se concretiza a possibilidade de pensar as relações do eu com o outro. Esses conceitos, paralelizados com a obra filosófica, trazem um suporte para a clínica psicanalítica.
Freqüentemente observamos que as mídias em geral abordam as experiências dos
usuários da internet em relação ao próprio eu , enfocando a questão numa perspectiva
que desvincula as situações online das situações offline, revelando uma ruptura entre o
eu presencial e o eu virtual. Atualmente, conforme algumas investigações já
sugerem (WILLIAMS, 2006; WILSON, ATKINSON, 2005; VIETA, 2005), faz-se
necessário adotar uma perspectiva integradora que considere o presencial e o virtual
enquanto contínuos. Nesse caso, a presente pesquisa configura-se como uma tentativa
de compreender a construção do eu na internet, focando nas interações
semioticamente mediadas pelos usuários da mesma. Para tanto, destacarmos o papel da
comunicação e das práticas sociais na constituição de um senso de self com ênfase no
discurso. Nesse enquadre, o self surge como um autor [agente] multiposicionado
(HERMANS, 2001; VALSINER, 2004, 2005), constituído por múltiplas vozes que
dialogam entre si. É nessa autoria que o sujeito encontra-se implicado numa trama de
significados e sentidos [enredo], indispensáveis à composição de uma identidade
narrativa que, por sua vez, encontra na cultura, no socialmente instituído...
Vários estudos apontam que vítimas de situações traumáticas são propensas a narrar a sua história na tentativa de dar sentido a essas experiências. A pesquisa em questão ressalta a construção dos sentidos configurados narrativamente pelo sujeito vítima de queimadura, pois entendemos que as marcas, sequelas e cicatrizes produzidas pelo incidente convocam o sujeito a se reposicionar subjetivamente frente a sua nova condição. Assim, o objetivo principal deste estudo foi investigar como o paciente organiza narrativamente a sua relação eu-corpo, tendo como referência o incidente da queimadura. Os objetivos específicos consistiram em: (i) analisar se o evento da queimadura conduz o paciente à re-historiação; (ii) circunscrever os sentidos configurados narrativamente pelo sujeito acerca do incidente da queimadura; e (iii) identificar se há mudança no posicionamento do paciente no que se refere à relação eu-corpo. O delineamento da pesquisa se constituiu em três estudos de casos. Desse modo, participaram da pesquisa três mulheres adultas, vítimas de queimadura, que estavam em atendimento no Hospital da Restauração, em fase de reabilitação de longa duração. Foram utilizadas três estratégias para a construção dos dados: a técnica da observação espontânea...
In its relations with the ‘near abroad’, and in particular with countries eager to attain membership status, the ability of the EU to adopt a proactive role in international politics has been very evident. Indeed, in the case of Central and East European applicants, the EU has used its position to play the role of mentor, shaping transition processes and policy preferences in order to ensure compatibility with the EU acquis. A notable exception in this case has been the EU’s evolving policy on gender relations. While there has been discussion of the formal, legal requirements of equality Directives, the EU’s declared strategy of gender mainstreaming has been disregarded. This absence represents a lost opportunity – for EU and CEEC officials to explore together the potential of, and impediments to, an effective mainstreaming strategy. This paper outlines the principles of gender mainstreaming, explains why gender issues are important in the context of enlargement and suggests reasons for the failure to adopt a mainstreaming strategy during the pre-enlargement period.; no
Introduction:...European integration has been an extraordinary and visionary enterprise, built on practical steps towards unity. The European Union is not only a complex work in progress, harmonising the internal policies of its members, but a force in world politics. This sixth wave of enlargement is one of the great moments in its evolution. This conference has an ambitious agenda and brings together a body of experts intimately concerned with the engineering of this grand design. And the conference is timely and relevant for Australia, because it is important to our relationship that Australians comprehend the dynamics and changing nature of the EU. My theme today is the opportunity that the imminent expansion of the EU offers for tackling global security and trade challenges. I want to expand particularly on areas where Australia’s interests are strongly engaged.; Speech at the National Europe Centre Conference on EU enlargement, Canberra, Australia; no
We systematically analyze the driving forces behind a diversity of national environmental impacts (the “ecological footprint,” and the emissions of ozone depleting substances, carbon dioxide, and methane), with an eye toward determining whether the patterns in European Union (EU) nations are characteristically different from other nations. We use the STIRPAT model, a stochastic version of the IPAT model, as our analytic tool. STIRPAT allows for a more precise specification of the relationship between driving forces and impacts than other widely used modeling techniques. We find that national environmental impacts of all types are proportional to population size, indicating that population is a major driving force of environmental change. We find that per capita GDP monotonically increases all types of impacts examined, except the emission of ozone depleting substances, where emissions begin to drop as per capita GDP moves beyond approximately US$ 13,000. Overall, the results regarding affluence suggest that development is likely to further exacerbate, rather than alleviate, environmental problems. We also find that EU nations differ from other nations in methane emissions and in ecological footprints (specifically the arable land component of the footprint). EU nations have lower methane emissions and higher footprints than other nations...
This article starts with a qualitative analysis of the security functions of the European Union (EU) and how they are distributed within its institutional set-up. The analysis then takes recourse to structuralist and governance approaches to security, namely structural diplomacy and security governance to make a case of how the EU can be(come) a relevant security partner in the Gulf region and for the members of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC), at least in theory. The second part of the article then examines what cooperation between the EU and the GCC in security terms could look like and an inventory is taken of the practical infrastructure for such an endeavour. Finally, suggestions are made on how such an infrastructure for cooperation could be improved by both sides to enhance long-term cooperation.; Gulf Research Centre (GRC, Dubai)
This working paper explores issues of security integration in a number of external policies of the European Union (EU), and looks at both security policies per se and the security rationale contained in other policy contexts. Following a twin-track approach of presenting both a legal and a political assessment respectively, the contributions have been clustered around three themes: energy security and the EU’s relations with neighbouring states, the EU’s targeted sanctions policy, and security sector reform pursued by the EU in third countries. The first contribution on energy security seeks to clarify the EU’s energy dependency on Russia as a security concern and assesses the EU’s response, in particular the Energy Charter Treaty, to Russia’s strategic use of its new energy monopoly. The second paper focuses on the countries of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and analyses a number of critiques with respect to energy policy in the context of the ENP. Within the targeted sanctions theme, one contribution discusses the legal complexities with respect to their adoption and implementation in the EU’s multilevel structure, whereas the other looks more broadly at their rationale and highlights a number of problems related to their strategic use by the EU and the UN. On the last theme...
The European External Action Service (EEAS) which came into existence on 1st January 2011 has the potential to bring coherence and visibility to the external action of the European Union (EU). It could go beyond, giving new impetus to the Union’s external action and contributing to the emergence of an EU foreign policy. But it could also end up as a mere juxtaposition of previously existing organizations and policies with uncertain added value for the Union. This paper looks at the EEAS from a functional perspective and in the context of a nascent EU diplomacy. It analyzes how training can contribute towards fulfilling the EEAS objectives and in nurturing a new EU diplomacy. It proposes a training approach built around three poles – knowledge, skills and attitudes- and three levels – preparatory, pre-posting and career-long training – and presents the main parameters and options for implementation.
This study investigates how access to residence-based naturalisation has changed in ten Central and
Eastern European EU member states before their accession. It focuses on the legislative amendments
made during the time of EU pre-accession conditionality, specifically between the entry into force of
the Europe Agreement and the date of accession, when the supervision of the EU Commission over
legal and political developments in those states was strongest. The changes are analysed and evaluated
as to their liberal nature, which shows that while the EU pre-accession documents promote the
principle of inclusiveness, the legislative amendments in the field of naturalisation that were in fact
introduced during the pre-accession time result in higher exclusion.
This paper explains the changing feature of EU policy toward Asia and the Pacific from the viewpoint of Japan. In the era of global power shift, and because of the impressive economic growth in Asia, the EU’s interest in this region is growing. This paper describes competitive trade liberalisation projects as well as “defunct” regional security frameworks and dialogues in view of the rise of China, and EU relations with ASEAN, Japan and China. In response to this evolution, this paper analyses an EU policy document, its new Guidelines of Foreign and Security Policy in East Asia and a ground-breaking joint statement of the EU and US on cooperation in this region. Finally, this paper suggests several policy proposals on the EU’s constructive role in Asia and the Pacific.
The paper examines the International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO), and it analyzes the role played by the European Union in the landscape of international finance. The aim is to test how far we can conceive of the EU as the heir to the traditional State rule-makers in the sphere of international financial soft-law. In order to do all this, we will first of all describe the historical context in which IOSCO was born, its legal nature, governance procedures and decision-making processes. Then, we will turn to look at the EU and its financial services law, its internal and external competence in order to understand the formal (and informal) role played by the EU in IOSCO. Finally, we will give an account of the quality and quantity of the implementation of IOSCO rules into EU Law of financial services. The result seems to suggest that the European Union is very likely to play an ever increasing role not only within IOSCO but also as a key actor on the global stage of international financial (soft-)law.; The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP/2007–2013) / ERC Grant Agreement n. 
By means of Directive 2008/101 the EU extended its Emission Trading System to airline companies whose aircraft arrive at or depart from the territory of the EU Member States. Requested to provide a preliminary opinion on the validity of the Directive–especially in light of its extraterritorial application–the CJEU confirmed its effectiveness, arguably based mainly on the principle of sovereignty and only subsidiarily on the principle of environmental protection. In light of the interpretation provided by the CJEU, this paper critically assesses Directive 2008/101 and concludes that its consistency with international law should be considered in the light of the secondary consequences of the duty to protect the environment rather than territorial sovereignty.; The Redefining the Transatlantic Relationship and its Role in Shaping Global Governance (TRANSWORLD) project is funded by the European Union’s 7th Framework Programme under grant agreement no. 290454.
The aim of this paper is to examine whether shareholders consider the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) as value-relevant for the participating firms. An analysis is conducted of the share prices changes as caused by the first publication of compliance data in April, 2006, which disclosed an over-allocation of emission allowances. Through an event study, it is shown that share prices actually increased as a result of the allowance price drop when firms have a lower carbon-intensity of production and larger allowance holdings. There was no significant value impact from firms’ allowance trade activity or from the pass-through of carbon-related production costs (carbon leakage). The conclusion is that the EU ETS does ‘bite’. The main impact on the share prices of firms arises from their carbon-intensity of production. The EU ETS is thus valued as a restriction on pollution.
The aim of this paper is to study the current state and the prospects of ecological collaboration activities to protect the Baltic Sea including both the EU and Russia. The researchers, studying the EU environmental policy in the Baltic Sea region often ignore Russia since this country has separate environmental policy concerning the Baltic Sea area. However, Russia is a member of Helsinki Commission (HELCOM) a supranational body which was established forty years ago to safeguard the marine environment of the Baltic Sea strengthening interstate cooperation. The main focus is the investigation of new patterns of interaction on environmental issues that influence the allocation of space and meaning of societal time in the Baltic Sea region. Relying on multi-level governance theory, three dimensions of space (natural, national and trans-boundary) and five levels of societal time (regional, EU, national, municipal, cross-border) are analyzed. While space is regarded as a politico-social object, which should be subjected to transformation, the societal time is used to plan required environmental changeovers. Both aspects encompass not only area of the EU littoral members in the Baltic Sea region but all states of the Baltic Sea catchment area (Belarus...
This paper summarizes the debates held at a Round Table in the European University Institute on withdrawal from the Union and secession from an EU member state. The approach is not to look at domestic debates but to seek a European view on the topic. Four issues articulated the discussion: the normative arguments for and against secession/independence within the EU, withdrawal and its effects, the effects of secession/independence for EU member states and the impact for EU citizens of both processes of withdrawal and secession. The paper seeks no final conclusion but rather it aims at conveying different standpoints on the issues.
In the post-Cold War international system, parliaments have gained a particular place in the dense network of international relations, traditionally monopolised by executives. Parliaments are increasingly expected to contribute to resolving complex foreign policy and international issues impacting more and more on citizens’ lives. The paper reflects on the gradual parliamentarisation of an EU polity so much dominated by Member States: foreign policy. It analyses the nature of the European Parliament’s actorhood in international relations, the EP’s emerging role in EU foreign policy as well as the tools and powers available to exert influence on the Union’s decisions and relations. It finally concludes that EU foreign policy can become efficient and democratic at the same time in the process of building an EU „representative democracy”.
This paper is forthcoming as a chapter in D. Kochenov (ed.), EU Citizenship and Federalism: The Role of Rights (Cambridge University Press, 2015). The central idea builds on the popular sociological concept of sexual citizenship, assuming its link to the cluster of specific sexual rights. Such sexual rights address multiple identities based on gender, sexual orientation and other broader aspects of sexuality (including, inter alia, consumption of pornography and sex work). The author applies this broad paradigm of sexual citizenship towards federalizing evolution of EU citizenship. The result of such a critical investigation demonstrates that EU citizenship offers not only a novel transnational vision of peoplehood. It equally entails governance of sexual rights as a part and parcel of mobile European project through vertical channels of EU sexual citizenship.